REV. RALPH Smith 

First Settled Minister 

OF Plymouth 

1629-1636 



Rev. Ralph Smith 

First Settled Minister 

OF Plymouth 

1629-1636 



REV. RALPH SMITH 

FIRST SETTLED MINISTER 
OF PLYMOUTH 

1629-1636 



By 

Edward Leodore Smith 

Member »/ the New England Hiitoric Genealtgical Sceiely 



0^1 ^0^T 



BOSTON 
1921 



Copyright Applied For, 



JUL -97 



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PREFACE 

It has long seemed to the writer that Ralph Smith, first 
settled minister of the pilgrim church in Plymouth, deserved 
a fairer presentation of his known career than has hitherto 
fallen to his memory, and that this gentle, if grave and 
severe-minded man, simple and unassuming as his life seems 
to have been, has a right to our esteem beyond what has 
heretofore been given when we recall the absence of that 
carping contentious spirit that engaged the abilities of so 
many of his contemporaries in the first pastorates in the Bay 
plantation. 

In collating the sparse and scattered facts of his career, it 
has been an added pleasure to trace and establish the true 
story of his English birthplace. 

Edward L. Smith 

Brookline, Mass. , May 5, 1921. 



REV. RALPH SMITH 

FIRST SETTLED MINISTER 
OF PLYMOUTH 

1629-1636 



On the 17th of April, 1629, the Governor and Deputy oj 
the New England Company for a Plantation in Massachusetts Bay 
wrote a long letter of instructions and details of afiairs to 
the "Governor and Council for London's Planta- 
tion IN THE Massachusetts Bay in New England." 

This letter was dated, "In Gravesend," and on April 21, 
a postscript was added stating that the letter was mainly a 
copy of one sent in the George [The George Bonaventure, 
Thomas Cox, Master,] "yett ryding in the Hope." 

The Talbot, and Lyon's Whelpe, of the same fleet, 
were at the time storm-bound at Blackwall below London 
in the Thames, and from a letter dated at London, May 
28, 1629, we learn that the Talbot, in which came the 
Rev. Ralph Smith, had set sail at last from the Isle of 
Wight "about" the 11th of May. 

The ninth paragraph of that first long letter to Capt. John 
Endecott, Governor, and his associates reads: 

Mr Raph Smith, a Minister, hath desired passage in 
"Concernine or ships, wch was granted him before wee vnderstood of 
ye Minister his difference in Judgmt in some things from or Min- 
isters. But his p'visions for his voyage being shipt 
before notice was taken thereof, through many occasions wherewth those 
intrusted wth this business have been employed, and forasmuch as from 

[1] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

hence it is feared there may growe some distrac'con amonst yow if there 
should bee any syding, though wee have a very good opinion of his 
honesty [of purpose] wee shall not, [wee] hope, offend in Charitie to 
feare the worst that may grow from their different judgmtt. We haue 
therfore thought fitt to give yow this Order, that unless hee wilbe con- 
formable to or govmnt, yo* suffer him not to remainc wth in the limitts of 
Of graunt." 

The historian, Hubbard, wrote regarding this: 

"Mr. Ralph Smith was likewise, at the same time, proffered to be ac- 
commodated with his passage to New England, provided he would 
give under his hand, that he would not exercise the ministry, either 
in public or in private, without the approbation of the Governor es- 
tablished there, nor yet to disturb their proceedings, but to submit unto 
such orders as should there be established."* 

It may interest to note here the fitting out of the Tal- 
BOT for the voyage. February 26, 1628 [29], the Secretary 
entered in the Company's journal "Necessaries conseaved 
meete for o"" intended voiadgc for Newe England to bee 
prepared forthw'^." 

"For the Talbut, if 100 passengers, & 35 maryners, 3 monthes, 
ye maryners accounted doble: — 



45 tun beere, wrof 6 tun 4' I beere; 

39 tun 6' S 
Mallega and Canari caske 16^ a tun; 
6 tuns of water; 

12 M. of bread, after -^4 C. to a man; 
22 hheds of beiffe; 

40 bushells peas, a peck a man ye voyadge; 
20 bushells oatmeale; 



•Rev. VVillitm Hubbard of Iptwich, whose History of New England was probably 
written at the requeit of the General Court, liked to gire his own interpretation to events. 
He has succeeded here in eivine an erronious impression of a perfectly plain record that 
must have been well known to him. Ralph Smith was not called upon to sign any bond. 



[2] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

14 C. haberdyne [cured codfish] 62 cople ech C, ech cople makes pi, 
pl'2 a p<J a man p day; 

8 dussen pounds of candeles; 

2 terces of bcere vyneger; 
114 bushells mustard seede; 
20 gallons oyle, Gallipoly or Mayorice, a qrt a man; 

2 flerkins of soape; 

2 runlett Spanish wyne, 10 galls a p; 

4 thousand of billets [dried codfish]; 
10 firkins of butter; 
10 C. of cheese; 
20 gallons aquavite. 



Estimat of 100 men, chardge of them and theire prvissions, wth others 
"oted: 

100 men, theire chardge, 15'- a man, ^1500 

Freight of the shippe Taibut, 5 monthes, 

801. p. m. 400 
Victualls and wages 32 men, 70i- a 

moDthe 350 



750" 



The Talbot, Capt. Thomas Beecher, Master, made the 
round trip to Salem and back within four months. She 
brought 400 bushels of salt for curing fish, a large list of 
supplies of all sorts for the new plantation, and the house- 
hold goods of her hundred passengers. 

There is nothing preserved that would show Endecott did 
not receive Rev. Ralph Smith as kindly and generously as 
his station would deserve. He certainly allowed him to 
stay within the limits of the Company's patent, and doubt- 
less pointed out the struggling little colony of Nantascot, 
now Hull, as a field for his endeavors. It was in all ways a 
poor settlement for a Cambridge man of studious habit and 
austere demeanor to thrive in. The settlement was in one 
of the most beautiful spots in the inner bay, but only a fish- 
ing station then and for long years after, and fishermen, then 

[3] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

as now, are not comparable to sleek, well-fed, and decorous 
yeomen for parishioners. 

William Bradford, in his priceless and revered manuscript 
"Of Plimoth Plantation," wrote under the happenings of 
the year 1629: 

"I had like to have omited an other passage that fell out ye begining 
of this year. Ther was one Mf. Ralfe Smith & his wife & familie, 
y« came over into ye Bay of ye Massachusets, and sojourned at prestnte 
with some stragling people that lived at Natascoe: here being a boat of 
this place putting in ther on some occasion, he ernestly desired that they 
would give him & his, passage for Plimoth, and some such things as 
they could well carrie; having before heard yt ther was liklyhood he 
might procure house-roome for some time, till he should resolve to set- 
tle ther, if he might, or elswher as God should dispose; for he was 
werie of being in yt uncoth place, & in a poore house yt would neither 
keep him nor his goods drie. So, seeing him to be a grave man, & 
understood he had been a minister, though they had no order for any 
such thing, yet they presumed and brought him. He was here accord- 
ingly kindly entertained & housed & had ye rest of his goods & servants 
sente for, and exercised his gifts amongst them, and afterwards was 
chosen into ye ministrie, and so remained for sundrie years." 

This notice of Rev. Ralph Smith, who was under Gov. 
Bradford's eye and government, should set at rest the ill- 
tempered imputation of the historian Hubbard, himself a 
minister, and by all accounts a man jealous not only of his 
calling, but of those concerned in it. 

Hubbard's statement, taken from his "History," follows: 

"In this way they continued till the year 1629, when one Mr. Ralph 
Smith, who came over into the Massachusetts, and finding no people 
there that stood in any need of his labors, ie ivas easily persuaded to 
remo've to Plymouth; him they called to exercise the office of a pastor, 
more induced thereunto, possibly, by his approving the rigid way of the 
Separation principles, than any fitness for the office he undertook; being 
much overmatched by him that he was joined with in the presbytery, 

[4] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

[Brewster] both in point of discretion to rule, and aptness to teach, so 
as through many infirmities, being found unable to discharge the trust 
committed to him with any competent satisfaction, he was forced soon 
after to lay it down. Many times it is foimd that a total vacancy of an 
office is easier to be borne, than an under-performance thereof." 

This statement by Hubbard seems to be the only harsh 
criticism by a contemporary and is perhaps the source of 
every adverse comment on Rev, Ralph Smith by later writers. 

In 1669, Nathaniel Morton, writing the history of Ply- 
mouth Church, wrote to Samuel Gorton at Warwick doubt- 
less for information regarding Ralph Smith and Roger 
Williams, with both of whom Gorton had come to grips. 
Gorton's letter, which seems fair and straightforward, gives 
evidence enough to show that Ralph Smith was a grave 
man, not at all of the fanatic brand so impressive in Elder 
William Brewster and Roger Williams. But Morton's 
statement in his history of Plymouth Church regarding 
Smith is: 

"1629 Although for minnestry it was low with us; for as was 

before Noted: they had Chosen Mr Ralph Smith fore named to be theire 
Pastour yett hee proved but a poor healp to them in that being of very 
weake parts in the [work] of the Ministry; onely they had a Great healp by 
their Revered mr Brewster whoe was well Accomplished with Gifts and 
G[race] for such worke; they had alsoe some Good healp by a Godly 
[yovmgjman] Called Mr. Roger Williams * * , # " 

Nowhere do we find mention of Ralph Smith's family 
beyond general terms. Higginson mentions "his child," 
Bradford mentions his "wife" and "servants." Perhaps his 
wife and her maid, the child, and a man servant, comprised 
the family. Of the loss of his child, or his wife, no mention 
is made, though his wife was alive in 1638 it would seem 
from Gorton's statement. 

[S] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

In late September, 1632, Governor Winthrop and a com- 
pany from the new plantation travelled the Indian trail to 
Plymouth to pay their respects to the Government there. 

Some minor clashes had occurred between those un ier 
the jurisdiction of the two Patents, and some servants had 
run away to escape hard masters in either plantation, and 
Winthrop, whose actions had been rather cool, if not over- 
bearing, towards the Plymouth men, seems to have decided 
to make advances toward a more cordial understanding. 
Without doubt, the action of Bradford in sending Samuel 
Fuller over to Salem to break up a threatened epidemic of 
what was, perhaps, scurvy or ship-fever among those who 
came in the fleet in 1629, had borne good fruit,* and Win- 
throp deserves praise for going frankly on a mission of con- 
ciliation when it would have been easier to have let things 
drift. 

On October 3, 1632, came Sunday, and the Bay Gov- 
ernor and his retinue sat in state in the little plank church 
on the burial hill and listened to a sermon by Ralph Smith. 
We can imagine him impressed by the grave demeanor and 
calm logic of Smith, even if the form of the worship did not 
appeal, so far apart were the religious ideas of the Bay and 
Plymouth. 

In July, 1634, Bradford, Winslow and Rev. Ralph Smith 
went to Boston to protest against the detention of Captain 
John Alden, as a seeming unjust retaliation for the unfor- 
tunate affair of the Kennebec and to assert their right in 

*Hubbard, again blundcttne, stales that Endecott sent to Plymouth for help "of one Mr. 
Fuller, a deacon of Mr. Robinson's church, skilled in the designi of the country, which 
those people that first came over in those two years were filled withal, and also well rersed 
in the way of church discipline practiced by Mr. Robinson's church"; thus intimating that 
church affairs was the object, whereas the ministrations of a pbyaician seem to have been 
the tole reason. 

Compare, also, Hubbard's statement that "July 2, came in the Talbot, which had been 
■ore visited with the small-pox in her passage, and whereof fourteen died in the way," with 
Higginton'a itatement that "only one person died of the pox," though numbers were ill of 
it. and that "two children died," probably of the measles. 

[6] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

upholding their claim to that trading post. They accom- 
plished their ends, Winthrop and the Bay clergy being com- 
pelled to admit both logic and position as correct, and this 
without bitterness remaining on cither side. 

It was about this time that Plymouth sought to obtain 
Rev. John Norton for their pastor, and Ralph Smith stepped 
aside for a while, but Norton was not attracted by the Ply- 
mouth situation and disagreeing with the tenets of baptism 
as practiced by that church, went elsewhere. 

With what must have been saintly forbearance, the duties 
of pastor were again taken up by Ralph Smith, to continue 
until March, 1636, when John Reynor began to preach on 
trial. Reynor was ordained the same year. Ralph Smith 
remained at Plymouth, however, for a while. In 1637,^ 
"Mr. Ralph Smith, Gent." was, with Elder Brewster, on 
the committee to revise the Ordinances of the Colony. This 
year he had a grant of land and in 1640 another grant was 
made to him. 

It was in 1636 that Plymouth Church and Ralph Smith 
eased off their bonds. Bradford wrote: 

"This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by 
his owne willingnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at 
the desire, and by ye perswasion, of others." 

Plymouth Colony records show that Ralph Smith was 
made a freeman in 1633. He had various grants of lands, 
but none of large proportions, and a house lot, mowing, 
orchard, and tilling sufficient for comfort, but not extensive 
enough to be more than a means of support, appear to be 
the extent of his holdings, B'rom the fact that he is called 
"Gentleman" in the records, after retiring from the minis- 
try, it would seem as if he had been of some means, and his 
estate, at his death, rather confirms that view. 

[7] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

In 1636, Ralph Smith, still at that time pastor of the Ply- 
mouth Church, went through a most disagreeable affair in 
connection with Samuel Gorton. The following extract 
from Winslow's " Hypocrisie Vnmasked,'" and the letter from 
Samuel Gorton to Nathaniel Morton, give the gist of the 
matter.* 

"The first complaynt that came against him [Samuel Gorton] for 
wch hee was brought before athority, was by M' Ralph Smith, who be- 
ing of Gorton's aquaintance Recevid him & his famely in to his house 
wt Much humilety & christian Respeck, promising him as free use of it 
as him self: but gorton becomming trublesom, after means used to Re- 
move ye ofences taken by Mf Smith, but to no purpose, Growing still 
more insolent, Mf Smyth desired him to provid elcewhere for himself: 
but Gorton Refused sayeing hee had as good intrest in the house as 
Mr. Smith had: and when hee was brought before authorety stoutly 
maintained it to our amasment, but was to depart by ordere, & to pro- 
vid other ways for him self by a time apointed. " 

About thirty-one years after Gorton was driven out of 
Plymouth for his attempt to override constituted authority, 
he wrote a letter to Nathaniel Morton of Plymouth. This 
letter was dated at Warwick, 30 June, 1669. In it he wrote 
that he had been in New England thirty-three years. He 
claimed to be of gentle blood and in every way showed the 
manner of an educated man. In referring to Ralph Smith 
he said: "their preaching minister then with them, I knew 
to be a godly man and was familiarly acquainted with him 
now above half a hundred yeares agoe, in Gorton where I was 
born and bred and the fathers of my body for many gener- 
ations." He further wrote: 

*WhiIe it is amusine to the unbliscd to read the fulsome defence of Gorton'i career by • 
Chief Justice of Rhode Island, it is saddening to read in "Thi Lift and Timti 0/ Samuel Gtmn" 
the ignorant misapplication of supposed evidence in the case there displayed, in using facts 
in the career of one Ralph Smith, yeoman, to blacken the character of our Rev. Ralph Smith. 
This inexcusable carelestnets shows thai this was an ill considered attack on him to bolster 
up the assumed innocence of Gorton. 

[«] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

"A difference betweene Mr. Ralph Smith and my selfe I say 

Mr. Ralph Smith as you please to call him, but why is not your Canon- 
ization not exercised upon him, he was your ancient pastor and of my 
knowledge as pure and precise in your religion as any of you all, What, 
was he not rich enough, or was he not honorable [well-bom] enough 
or had neither himselfe nor his poets made verses enough to bring him 
into the ranke. What a wofull neglect was that, yet I never knew it be- 
fore that without poetrie we cannot be esteemed holy and honorable; 

In the time of these agitations Mr. Smith tooke offence at me whether 
of himselfe or instigated I know not, neither know I any ocation I gave 
him, vnlesse it was because his ancient wife and others of his family fre- 
quented mine vsually morning and evening in the time of family exer- 
cises, and so did a religious maid living then with your teacher, Mr. 
Reyner, Mistriss Smith often expressing her selfe how glad she was that 
she could come into a family where her spirit was refreshed in the ordin- 
ances of god as in former dayes which she said was much decayed and 
allmost worne out of religion since she came to Plimouth; In this of- 
fence taken by Mr. Smith he applied himselfe to the government of Pli- 
mouth for help to breake his covenant made with my self, I having hired, 
one part of his house for the terme of foure whole yeares. " 

Gorton and his son, Thomas, volunteered with other Ply- 
mouth men, June 7, 1638, for service in the Pequot war, 
under Thomas Prence. 

Ralph Smith, having given up his pastoral relation to the 
Plymouth church late in 1636 and being engaged in the re- 
vision of the ordinances in 1637, yet remained in Plymouth 
for several years more. He had a grant of land from the 
town in 1637, and one in 1640 of eight acres in the "South 
Meddowes toward Aggawam, Colebrook Meddowes, "which 
would show him resident there as a townsman at that time. 

"The xviij day of April 1642. Memorandum. That Mr. Ralph 
Smith doth acknowledge that for the sum of six score pounds he hath 
sold unto John Doane agent for the Church of Plymouth, all his house 
and buildings and garden plotts in Plymouth together with the six acres 
of upland in the field." 

[9] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

This brief deed of what was the parsonage of Plymouth 
Church, and was bought for Reyner's settlement, must 
mark about the time when Ralph Smith received his call to 
Jeffrey's Creek, since called Manchester. How long a pas- 
torate it was is undetermined. He was preaching there in 
1645 and Good News from New England" printed in London 
in 1648, but probably written in 1647, states that he was 
pastor there then. He must have concluded his ministry to 
that little hamlet of seven families about this time, however, 
as a deed of what was formerly the es'ate of Deacon Rich- 
ard Masterson, inserted further on, shows that he was plan- 
ning to remove to Boston. 

The Salem Church records show that a Ralph Smith was 
a member of that church in 1647, and a Mary Smith, pre- 
sumably his wife, a little later. 

Tradition says that the first meetings in Jeffrey's Creek 
were held in 1640 under a tree at what is now Gale's Point. 
But Thomas Jenner preached there earlier than that, it is 
known. 

No meeting house was built at Jeffrey's Creek until 1656, 
so far as the records show. Another tradition, seemingly 
borne out by those who have gone into the matter carefully, 
is that it was at Jeffrey's Creek that Gov. Winthrop landed 
when he first came out of the ArbcUa. Seventy-five years 
ago the changes since Winthrop's time had been slight in- 
deed and the hills still were overrun with wild strawberries 
as at the time when Masconomo treated the Governor and 
those with him to a feast of those lucious fruits, so grateful 
to the unsated palates of weary seafarers. 

Among the most ancient place-names of that territory 
now are "Smith's Farm Spring," "Smith's Island," "Smith's 
Point," and "Smith's Landing." As no man by the name 
of Smith is known to have settled there until about 1700, 

[10] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

except the Rev. Ralph Smith, these names may mark his 
brief residence there, though there is no positive proof of it. 
From the following in the first book of deeds, Plymouth 
Colony Records, it is entirely probable that Rev. Ralph 
Smith had married the w^idow of Deacon Richard Master- 
son sometime between 1642 and 1648. Hence the settle- 
ment of Masterson's estate upon his children. 

"This writting underneath was Recorded by order from the governor 
the 27 of October 1652. 

We have graunted to Nathaniell Masterson our Lands in Wellingsley 
with our house there and the fences and the mersh and the upland in the 
woods; Reserving our trees for John Wood to enioy for our good and 
his, and to bee Remooved the next autume; And this we doe upon con- 
sideration; agreed betweene vs the 15th day of the fift month 1648, and 
heer unto have sett our hands. Ralph Smith 

and Mary Smith IV marke. 

The trees are to bee 

Johns whiles 

they beare and halfe 

the fruite to be sent 

to Boston for vs while 

Either of us live if God please. 

Memorand the day and yeare first above written; That Nathaniell 
Masterson above mencioned doth acknowlidge that for such consider- 
acon as wher with hee is satisfied hee hath freely and absolutely made 
over vnto John Wood of Plymouth senior; all his Right hee hath in the 
one halfe of all the Mersh Meddow hee hath at goose point neare plym: 
aforesaid; which said mersh the said Nathaniell bought of his father in law 
Mr Smith To have and to hold the said one halfe of the said Marsh 
and all the appurtenances belonging ther unto the onely pper vse of the 
said John Wood his heires and assignes for ever to belonge vnto the 
onely pper vse and behoofe of him the said John Wood his heires and 
assignes for ever;" 



'1649. Bradford Governor. 

A deed apointed to bee Recorded. 
Bee it known vnto all Men that I Mary Smith sometimes the wife of 

[11] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

Richard Masterson desseased doe by these prsents acknowlidg y< I have 
ffreely and absolutly given and made over and doe by this my deed 
ffrcely give and Resigne vnto my soon Nathaneel Masterson and vnto 
my daughter Sara the wife of John Wood all my Right title and Interest 
of and into an house in Leyden in Holland somtimes apertaining unto 
my dessesed husband Richard Masterson aforsaid the house to have and 
to hold vnto the said Nathaneel Masterson and Sara Wood to them their 
heaires and assignes for ever vnto the onely prper vse and behoof of them 
the said Nathaneel Masterson and Sara Wood vnto them and their heairs 
and assignes for ever." 

The removal to Boston did not come about at that con- 
templated time it would seem, as Ralph Smith and his wife 
were in Ipswich in 1650 as shown by the following extract 
from the Aspinwall Notarial Records. 

"22 (8) 165. [1650] Mr Raph Smith of Ipsv?ich in N: Eng: consti- 
tuted Mr Hugh Goodyeare of Leidon in Holland his true and lawfull 
Attr: granting him full power &c: to aske levie &c: for him & in his 
name & to his use & to the use of Mary his wife (sometime formerly 
wife of Rich: Masterson of Leidon) all rents arrearages due unto the 
aforesd Mary Smith for a certaine house or tenem'- Scituate uppon the 
uppermjst graft neere the quackle brigg in leiden aforesd & of the receipt 
to give acquitt: also to compound &c: & to appeare in any Court &c: 
to doe say sue &c: & generally to doe all things &c: ffurther granting 
him power to sett lett &c: the sd house dureing the naturall [life] of the 
sd Mary: wih power to substitute &c: ratifying &c: in presence of 
Wm Worcester. Richard Cooke. 

The will of John Whittingham of Ipswich, which is not 
dated, but was proved at the Ipswich court on the 27th, 1st 
mo., 1649, [March, 1650] contained a bequest of "twenty 
shillings to Mrs. Smith." This was, beyond question, the 
wife of Ralph Smith. In a deed dated March 10th, 1652, 
[1653] Bishop to Waite, of land in Ipswich "bounded on 
land of Robert Beacham, now in possession of Mr. Ralph 
Smith," we have, in the designation "Mr.," very good 
evidence that this was Rev. Ralph Smith, And possibly this 
is the basis for Cotton Mather's ill-graced statement in his 

[12] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

"Magnolia Christi" that "there were indeed two other min- 
isters early in the country, one of whom had turned to 
trading [Lyford] and one to farming." [Smith] 

There is no record of the death of any child of Ralph 
Smith, or of his two wives; no record of his marriage to 
Mary, the widow of Richard Masterson; but we know 
from Gorton's letter to Nathaniel Morton, that the first or 
"ancient" wife was living in Plymouth in 1636. And we 
know that he had married Mary Masterson before July 15, 
1648, when they signed the deed to Nathaniel Masterson. 

It is probable that Ralph Smith continued to live in Ips- 
wich with his son-in-law Nathaniel Masterson until about 
1659. Masterson was fined in court at Ipswich, in 1658, 
for selling food and drink without a license. This was 
doubtless some petty persecution, for Masterson promptly 
appealed to the General Court at Boston, which as promptly 
remitted half the fine. Masterson left Ipswich and removed 
to York, Maine, where he was made Marshal in 1660. It 
would seem as if his mother must have been alive at this 
time, and that he settled her and his father-in-law comfort- 
ably in Boston before he started for York, but if so the time 
had come for natural changes and Boston records of deaths, 
under the year 1661, have : "Mr. Ralph Smith Pastor of the 
Church of Plymouth died the first of March." 

The Registry of Probate record has : 

*'At A meeteing of the magistrates this 18th Aprill 1661 
Power of Administration to ye estate of the late Mf- Ralph Smith is 
granted unto Nathaniell Masterson his late wives sonne that lived A long 
time with him and was Serviceable to him for ye most part of his time 
to Administer according to law. 

A true Inventory 
Present ye of ye goods of Mr. 

Gouenor ye Smith prized by 

Dep. Gounr us whose names 

Major Atherton are under written 

and Recorder this 16 Aprill (61) 

[13] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 



Imprimis 

A bed bolster and pillow and 2 ruggs one cotton one greene 

rugg and two curtains 6.00,00 

To two blankets and a flocke pillow 1.02.00 

To old Cloth Cloake 2.10.00 

To a blue long Coatc ■ 1.15.00 

To a shift 4' two pillow beeres 4« 6<i 00.08.06 

To old Capts 18d bands 4' towels 3/3 00.08.00 

To two sheeftes 18' one hatt 12« 01.10.00 

To a Silver tankard and two spoones 04.00.00 

To 3 old Trunkes 01.00.00 

To a little Trunke S* one box 4' 00.09.00 

To one Small box 18' one Chest 6<i 00.18.06 

To 4 Cushions 8« 2 Chayers 14» 01.02.00 

To a nest of boxes 5' in peage 11' 00.16.00 

To one old Case and Standige 00.03.00 

To a payer of bellowes 2' 6<l to a warming pan 7' 6d 00. 10.00 

To a payer of tongs and fire shovcll 00.05.00 

To one Skellett and Candlesticke 00.05.00 

To one pewter dish 12d Snuffers 12d 00.02.00 

To earthen ware 8d 2 Curtains 4« 00.04.08 

To a leaden stanage and Inkhome 00.02.06 

To one Apple roster 9d 00.00.09 
To bookes as ye prize first leaft of them appeared prized by 

Hezekiah Usher Junior 13.07.00 
To a shooting home and 6 woodden trenchers and a woodden 

platter 00.05.09 

To one watsh 00.15.00 

Summe is ;£ 37.04.04 

More found since in bookes to the value of 16' 
And a watsh Cloake or alarum at Mr. Clarkes at 20' 
And 3 other bookes at 13' 4d and a little hammer* 

William Cotton 

William Inglish 

Nathaniel! Masterson Deposed at ye same time that this was A true In- 
ventory of the estate of ye late Mr- Ralph Smith that came to his hand 
to his best knowledge that when hee knowcs more he will discover it." 

Those who have written of Rev. Ralph Smith in earlier 
days, have stated that he had his degree of A. B. at Christ's 
College, Cambridge, in 1613. As Higginson's statement, 
in his Mss., that "Ralph Smith's child born in nenton. 



*See the erronious statement of Goodwin in his "Pilgrim Republic." as to this matter. 



[14] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

Lancashire," was crossed out by him, we have a fair field 
for conjecture open for the following reasons. First, there 
is no parish of "Nenton" in all England. Second, there is a 
Chapelry of Denton in Lancashire. And likewise a Chap- 
elry of Denton in Durham. The Denton in Lancashire is 
a part of the old parish of Gorton, where Samuel Gorton 
lived, and where, he stated, he had known Ralph Smith fifty 
years before. There is nothing in the imperfect registers of 
Gorton, or Denton adjoining, to show that any Ralph Smith 
was there in 1618, the year we know Gorton claims to have 
been in his company there. On the other hand, the records 
of Denton, parish of Gainford, Durham, show a Ralph 
Smith was curate there as early as 1582, and as late as 1605, 
and perhaps until his death in 1615. 

From the Registers of the Parish of Gainford, co. Durham. 
A. D. 1587-8. Jan. 29. Rauffe Smith and Catheran Mathewson married. 
1590. April! 5. Rauffe Smithe baptised. 
1614-15. Feb. 7. Rauffe Smithe buried. 

From the Registers of the Chapel of Denton in 
the Parish of Gainford, co. Durham. 
A. D. 1589, April 5, Raffe Smith baptz ye v of Aprill in ye p'ish church 
of gayforthe [Gainford] a'd brought to dento' the same day his godfathers 
mr Farrand vicar of gaynford and John Burrell mrs Hilton godmother. 
A. D. 1595. Willya' Smythe baptised ye 16 of november ye sonne of 
Raffe Smythe of denton. 
A marginal note appears in the Register opposite the record of Ralph 
Smith 's baptism as follows : "R. S. sent to Cambridge ye 8 of maie 1604." 

From the above we may judge that our Rev. Ralph Smith 
was born in Gainford about the end of March 1589, son of 
Ralph Smith, Curate of Denton, and his wife Catherine 
Mathewson, and that the curate died early in February, 1615. 

The discrepancy of a year in the records of Ralph Smith's 
baptism is a clerical error only, as the Denton record proves. 

[15] 



Ralph Smith first settled Minister of Plymouth 

What is probably the fact is that Higginson knew, from 
conversation with him, about Ralph Smith's birth in Den- 
ton in Durham, and of his pastorate at Denton in Lancaster, 
where it is probable Ralph Smith's child was born. In 
writing, he perhaps found his memory not clear as to the 
facts, and it being a non-essential statement, he drew his 
pen through it, and let it go at that. 

It would further seem that Ralph Smith was a scholar at 
Cambridge University in 1610. He matriculated, July term, 
1611, in Christ College. He received his B. A. degree there 
in 1614. Born in 1590, he was, sometime between 1614 
and 1618 and perhaps much later, in Gorton parish, co. Lan- 
cashire, as stated by Samuel Gorton in his letter to Morton, 
noticed before. 

He may have been in charge of Denton, a chapclry of 
Gorton, and his child may have been born there. 

In searching out evidences of those who have been in- 
clined to write in a somewhat slighting manner of the labors 
of Plymouth's first minister, nothmg has been found con- 
sistent with their tone. Bradford's statement that Smith 
laid down his ministry partly because it was burdensome, and 
partly because the Church wished it, covers the whole 
ground. It is recorded that he was a grave and serious man. 
There is evidence enough that he was an educated one. 
Indeed, he and William Brewster were the only ones of Uni- 
versity education in Plymouth at that time, they both being 
Cambridge men. If he did not write such verse as Bradford 
wrote, the world lost little. Mather found him anathema in 
his sight because in the Hocking aflfair Smith "bore down on 
the Bay ministers" and compelled recognition of the absolute 
justness of Plymouth's position. No one's pride was hum- 
bled, but Winthrop took a different and more conciliatory 
stand toward Plymouth Government after that episode. 

[16] 



As Higginson's narrative has been mentioned and as a 
fellow voyager with Smith his journal of the trip is most 
interesting, it is printed here as having a proper relation to 
this brief review of the modest career of the first settled 
minister of Plymouth. 



A true relation of the last voyage to New England, declar- 
ing all circumstances with the manner of the passage we had 
by sea, and what manner of country and inhabitants we found 
when ive came to land; and what is the present state and con- 
dition of the English people that are there already. 

Faithfully recorded according to the very truth, for the 
satisfaction of very many of my loving friends, who have 
earnestly requested to be truly notified in these things. 

Written from New England July 24, 1629. 

Any curious criticke that lookes for exactnes of phrases, or 
expert seaman that regards propriety of sea-terms, may be dis- 
appointed. 



FRANCIS HIGGINSON^S JOURNAL 

OR 

Narrative of His Voyage to 
THE Bay Plantation 



- - - Mr Higgeson, a grave man, 
& of worthy commendations; he 
Cometh in the Talbott ----- 

— LetliT to Capt. John Endecott. 



A true relation of the last voyage to New England, 
made the last summer, begun the 25th of April, being Sat- 
urday Anno Domini, i62g. 

The Company of New England consisting of many worthy 
gentlemen in the citty of London, Dorcester, and other 
places, ayming at the glory of God, the propagation of the 
gospell of Christ, the conversion of the Indians, and the en- 
largement of the King's Majesty's dominions in America, and 
being authorised by his royal letters patents for that end, at 
their very great cost and charges, furnished 5 ships to go to 
New England, for the further settling of the English plan- 
tation that had already begun there. 

The names of the five shipps were as followeth. 

[1] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



The first is called the Talbot, a good and strong ship of 
300 tunnes, and ig pieces of ordinance, and served with JO 
mariners. This ship: carried about an 100 planters, 6 
goates, 5 great pieces of ordinance, zvith meale, oatmeale, 
pease, and all manner of munition and provision for the plan- 
tation for a twelve monthe. 

The second the George, another strong ship also, about 
JOG tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, served with about JO 
mariners; her chiefe carriage ivere cattell, 12 mares, JO 
kyne, and some goats, also there gad in her 52 planters and 
other provision. 

The third is called the Lyon's Whelp, a neat and nimble 
ship of 120 tunnes, 8 pieces of ordinance, carrying in her 
many mariners and about 40 planters, specially from Dor- 
cester and other places thereabouts, with provision, and 4 
goats. 

The 4th is called the Four Sisters, as I heare, of about 
JOO tunns, ivhich sayme ship carried many cattell, with pas- 
sengers and provision. 

The 5th is called the Mayflower, carrying passengers and 
provision. 

Now amongst these 5 ships, the George having the special 
and urgent cause of hastening her passage, set sayle before 
the rest about the middle of April. And the Four Sisters 
and the Mayflower, not being throughly furnished, intended, 
as we heard, to set forth about J weeks after us: But ive 
that were in the Talbot and the Lyon's Whelp, being ready 
for our voyage, by the good hand of God's providence, hoisted 
our sayle from Graves-end on Saturday the 25th of April, 
about 7 o'clock in the morning. Having but a faint U'ind ive 
could not go farre that day, but at night ice ancred against 
Lie, which is 12 miles from Gravesend, and there ice rested 
that night, and kept Sabbath the next day. 

[2] 



Rev. Francis Higginson's Journal 



On Monday, (the 2'jth) we sat forward and came to the 
fiats, a passage somewhat difficult by reason of the narrownes 
of the channel and shalloivnes of the water; and going over 
this we ivere in some daunger: for our ship being heavy laden 
and drawing deepe water was sensibly felt of us all to strike 
J or 4 tymes on the ground: but the wind blowing some- 
what strong we were carried swiftly on, and at last by God's 
blessing came safe to ancre at Gorin roade. 

Tuesday {^8th) we zvent a little further, and ancred over 
against Margret Downe, staying for a wind for the Doivnes. 

Wednesday (2g) we came safely through luith much 
turning and tacking thoroiu the Gullies into the Downes, 
and stayed that night. 

Thursday, (joth) Fryday and Saturday (May 1st & 
2nd) the ivind blew hard from south west and caused our 
ship to daunce, and divers of our passengers and my wiffe 
specially ivere sea sicke. Here the King's ship called the 
Assurance, pressed 2 of our mariners. Here lue saw many 
porpuses playing in the sea, luhich they say is a signe of foule 
weather. 

(May 3) Sabbath day, a windy e day and could: We 
kept Sabbath staying still at the Downes. 

Monday (4th) God sent us a fayre gale of ivinde. North 
N. East, whereby we came merrily from the Downes, and 
passing Dover we saiv 6 or 7 saile of Dunkirkers wafting 
after us; but it seemed they saw our company was too strong 
for them, for then ive had with us J or 4 ships that went for 
the Streights: So they returned backe from pursuing us any 
longer. But sayling with a good wind we went speedily, and 
at night ca?ne near the Isle of Wight, but being darke, we 
durst not put into the channell , but put backe for sea-roome 
4 hours, and then other 4 houres sayled backe agayne the 
same way. 

[3] 



Rev. Francis Higginson's Journal 



Tuesday (5th) early in the morning we entered the chan- 
nell, the wind being weake and calme, and passed by Ports- 
mouth very slowly; but in the afternoone the luind quick- 
ened, and we were forced to ancre a little on this side of 
Cowcastle, but the wind growing more favourable, we 
weighed and came to ancre again, right against Cowcastle, 
thinking to stay that night, the wind being very calme. 
Here I and my wiffe and my daughter Mary, and 2 maids, 
and some others with us, obtained of the master of the ship 
to go a shoare to refresh us, and to wash our linnens, and so 
we lay at Cowes that night. But the wind turning when 
we were absent, they hoysted sayle and left us there, and 
ancred 8 miles further, over against Yarmouth, about 8 of 
the clocke at night. 

Wednesday (6th) betyme in the morning the shalope was 
sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth, but the water 
proved rough and our women desired to be sett on shoare 3 
miles short of Yarmouth, and so went on foote by land and 
lodge in Yarmouth that night. 

On Thursday and Fryday (yth Off 8th) there master 
Becher, allowed by the Company, gave me 40 s. to make 
our provision of what things we would for the voyage. 

Saturday (9th) we went to board again; and on this day 
we had 2 other men pressed to serve the King's ship;, but 
we got one agayne by entreaty. 

The Sabbath next day ( lOth) we kept the ship, ivhere I 
preached in the morning ; and in the afternoone was intreated 
to preach at Yarmouth, where Mr. Meare and Captain 
Borley entertained us very kyndly, and earnestly desired to 
be noetified of our safe arrivall in New England, and of 
the state of the country. 

Monday morning (nth) bleiue a fayre wind from 
E. S. E. and the Lion's Whelp having taken in all her pro' 

[4] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



vision for passengers, about J of the clock in the afternoone 
we hoysed sayle for the Needles, and by God's guidance 
safely passed that narrow passage a little after 4 a clocke in 
the afternoone. And being entred into the sea, from the top 
of the mast, we discerned 4 sayle of ships lying southward 
from us. But night coming on we tooke in our long boat 
and shalope. And the next day (12th) we had a fayre gale 
of Easterly wind that brought us towards night as farre as 
the Lizzard. 

Wednesday (13th) the wind still houlding easterly, we 
came as farre as to the land's end, in the utmost part of 
Cornewall, and so left our dear native soyle of England be- 
hind us; and sayling about lO leagues further we passed the 
lies of Sillie and launched the same day a great way into 
the maine ocean. And now my wiffe and other passengers 
began to feele the tossing zuaves of the westerne sea, and so 
were very sea sicke. 

And this is to be noted, that all this while our passage 
hath beene upon the coast of England, so ought truly to be 
accounted the first day of our parting with Ould England. 

Thursday (14th) the same easterly wind blew all day and 
night, and the next day ( iSth) so that some of the seamen 
thought we were come by this tyme lOO leagues from Eng- 
land, but towards night the winde was calme. 

Saturday (l6th) we were becalmed all day. This day 
met us a little ship that came from Christopher islands. 

Sabbath ( lyth) being the first Lord's day ive held at sea 
was very calm, especially in the morning, but we were dis- 
turbed in our morning service by the appearance of a Bis- 
kainers ship, a man of warre, that made towards us, and 
manned out his boate to view us: But finding us too strong 
for him he dared not venture to assault us, but made off. 

This day my tivo children Samuel and Mary began to 

[5] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



be sicke of the small-pocks and purples together, which was 
brought into the ship by one Mr. Browne who was sicke of 
the same at Graves-end, whom it pleased God to make the 
first occasion of bringing that contagious sickness among us; 
where with many were after afflicted. 

Monday ( i8th) calme still, the wind being N. JV. blow- 
ing a little towards evening, but contrary to our course. 

Tuesday ( iQth) wind S. W. as little helpfull as the 
former, and blowing very weake. This day the master of 
the ship, myself and another went aboard the Lion's fVhelpe, 
where Mr. Gibs made us welcome with bountiful enter- 
tainment. And this day towards night my daughter grew 
sicker, and many blew spots were scene upon her breast, 
which affrighted us. At the first we thought they had beene 
the plague tokens; but we found afterwarde that it was only 
an high measure of the infection of the pocks, which were 
struck agayne into the child, and so it was God's will the 
child dyed about 5 of the clocke at night, being the first in 
our ship that was buried in the bowels of the great Atlantic 
sea; which, as it was a grief e to us her parents and a ter- 
rour to all the rest, as being the beginning of a contagious 
disease and mortality, so in the same judgement it pleased 
God to remember mercy in the child, in freeing it from a 
world of misery wherein otherwise she had lived all her 
dales. For being about 4 years ould, a yeare since, we know 
not by what means, sweyd in the backe, so that it was 
broken and grew crooked and the joynts of her hipps were 
loosed, and her knees went crooked, pittiful to see. Since 
which she hath had a most lamentable payne in her belly and 
would oft tymes cry out in the day and in her sleep also, my 
belly I which declared her extraordinary distemper. So that 
in respect of her we had cause to take her death as a blessing 
from the Lord to shorten her miserie. 

[6] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



Wednesday (20th) a wet morning, the wind was 
W. S. JV. and in the afternoon N. W. i5f by JV., both being 
contrary to our course, which was to saile W. &' by S. Thus 
it pleased God to lay his hand upon us by sickness and death 
and contrary winds; and stirred up some of us to make the 
motion of humbling ourselves under the hand of God, by 
keeping a solemn day of fasting and prayer unto God, to 
beseech him to remove the continuance and further increase 
of these evills from us, which was willingly condescended 
unto as a duty very fitting and needful for our present state 
and condition. 

Thursday (21st) there being two ministers in the ship, 
Mr. Smith and myselfe, we endeavoured, together with 
others, to consecrate the day as a solemn fasting and humilia- 
tion to Almighty God, as a furtherance of our present worke. 
And it pleased God the ship was becalmed all day, so that 
we were freed from any encumbrance ; and as soone as we 
had done prayers, see and behold the goodnes of God, about 
7 a clocke at night the wind turned to N. E. and we had a 
fayre gale that night, as a manifest evidence of the Lord's 
hearing our prayers. I heard some of the mariners say, they 
thought this was the first sea-fast that ever was kept, and 
that they never heard of the like performed at sea before. 

Fryday (22nd) The wind fayre and East northerly, and 
for our purpose for New England. It did blow strongly 
and carried us amayne with tossing waves, which did affright 
them that were not wonted to such sights. 

Saturday (23rd) The same wind blowing but more gently. 
Now we were comforted with the hope of my sonne Samu- 
el's recovery of the pockes. 

(24th) The 2d Lord's day, an ordely wind and prosper- 
ous. 

On Monday (25th) a fayre frumme gale, the wind 
S. S. W. 

[7] 



Rev. Francis Higginson's Journal 



Tuesday (26th) about 10 of the clocke in the morning, 
whilst we were at prayers a strong and sudden blast came 
from the north, that hoysed up the waves and tossed us more 
than ever before, and held us all the day till toward night, 
and then abated little by little till it was calme. This day 
Mr. Goffe's great dog fell overboard and could not be re- 
covered. 

Wednesday (zyth) the wind still N. and calme in the 
morning, but about noone there arose a So. wind which 
increased more and more, so that it seemed to us that are 
landsmen a sore and terrible storm; for the wind blew 
mightily, the rain fell vehemently, the sea roared and the 
waves tossed us horribly; besides it was fearfull darke and 
the mariners maid was afraid; and noyse on the other side 
with their running here and there, lowd crying one to an- 
other to pull at this and that rope. The waves powred 
themselves over the ship that the two boats were filled with 
water, that they were fayne to strike holes in the midst of 
them to let the water out. Yea by the violence of the waves 
the long boat's coard which held it was broken, and it had 
liked to have been washed overboard, had not the mariners 
with much payne and daunger recovered the same. But this 
lasted not many houres; after which it became a calmish day. 
All which while I lay close and ivarm in my cabine but farre 
from having list to sleepe with Jonah; my thoughts u-ere 
otherwise employed as the tyme and place required. Then I 
saw the truth of the scripture. Psal. 107 from the 23d to 
the 32d. And my feare at this tyme teas the lesse, when I 
remembered ivhat a loving friend of myne. a minister accus- 
tomed to sea storms said to me that I might not he dismayed 
at such storms, for they were ordinary at sea. and it seldom 
falls out that a ship perisheth at storms, if it have sea-roome. 
Which I the rather wryte that others, as ivell as myself e by 

[8] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



the knowledge hereof may be encouraged and prepared 
against these ordinary sea-storms. 

Thursday (28th) So. wind calme at night. Mr. Smith's 
child of nenton in Lancashire there borne, sicke this day*. 

On Fryday (2gth) a boistrous wind blowing crosse, but 
was allayed towards night with a shower of rayne. 

Saturday (30th) So. Wind, but fayre and quiett. 

Sabbath day (jist) being the 3d. Lord's day. fayre and 
calme; zue saiv abundance of grampus fishes, 2 or 3 yards 
long, and a body as bigge as an oxe. 

Monday (June i) The wind westerly and calme. But 
besides our being stayed by contrary winds we begun to find 
the temperature of the ayre to alter and to becoTue more 
soletry and subject to unwholesome foggs. For coming now 
to the the height of the Westerne Islands, some of our men 
fell sicke of scurvie and other of the small pockes, which 
more and more increased: Yet thankes be to God none dyed 
of it but my oivne child mentioned. And therefore, ac- 
cording to our great need, ive appointed another fast for the 
next day. 

Tuesday (2nd) we solemnly celebrated another fast. The 
Lord that day heard us before we prayed and gave us an 
answer before we called; for early in the morning the wind 
turned full east, being as fitt a wind as could blow. And 
sitting at my study on the ship's poope I saw many bonny 
fishes and porposes pursuing one another, and haying some 
of them a yard above the luater. Also as we were at prayers 
under the hatch, some that were above saw a whale puffing 
up water not farre from the ship. Now my wiffe was pretty 
well recovered of her sea sicknesse. 



•The words "Mr. Smith's child of nenton in Lancashire there borne, sicke this day" were 
crossed out with a pen in the copy. The name of the town is indistinct. The oriEintl 
manuscript has been lost for many years. 



[9] 



Rev. Francis Higginson's Journal 



Wednesday (3d) a fayre day and fine gale of full East 
wind. This day myself e and others saw a large round fish 
sayling by the ship's side, about a yard in length and rounders 
every way. The mariners called it a sunne fish; it spreadeth 
out the finnes like beames on every side 4 or 5, 

Thursday and Fryday (4th ^ 5th) the wind full E. we 
were carried with admiration on our journey. By this we 
were more than half way to New England. This day a 
fish very straunge to me, they call it a carvell; which came 
by the ship side, wafting along the top of the water. It ap- 
peared at the first like a bubble above the water as bigg as a 
man's fist, but the fish itself e is about the bigness of a man's 
thum, so that the fish itself e and the bubble resemble a ship 
with sayles, which therefore is called a carvell. 

Saturday (6th) wind direct East still. 

(7th) The 4th Sabbath we kept at sea. The wind easterly 
till noone, and then it came full S. E. a strong gale that 
night and the next day (8th) till night. Tuesday (gth) 
the same wind held till Q a clock in the morning; and then a 
great showre which lasted till about 7 at night, and then it 
was a very calme. There ice sounded with a dipled lyne 
above lOO fadome and found no bottom. This day we saw a 
fish called a turkle, a great and large shell fish, swimming 
above the water neere the ship. 

Wednesday ( lOth) wind northerly, a fine gale but calmish 
in the afternoone. 

Thursday (nth) the wind at N. an easye gale and fayre 
morning. We saiu a mountayne of ice shining as white as 
snow like to a great rocke or clift on shoare, it stood still 
and therefore we thought it to be on ground and to reach the 
bottome of the sea. For though there came a mighty streame 
from the north yet it moved not, which made us sound, and 
we found a banke of 40 fathom deepe whereupon we judged 

[10] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



it to rest; and the height above was as much. We saw also 
6 or y pieces of ice floating on the sea, which was broken off 
from the former mountayne : We also saw great store of 
water fowle swimming by the ship within musket shott, of a 
pyde colour and about the bigness of a wild duck, about 40 
in a company. The mariners call them hag birds. Towards 
night came a fogge, that the Lion's Whelp was lost till 
morning. And now we saw Tuany bony toes and grampuses 
every day more and more. 

Fry day (12th) Foggie and calmish, the wind northerly in 
the morning, but about noon it came S. E. a dainty home 
gale which carried us 6 leagues a watch. 

Saturday (13) the same wind till night, and we saw 
great store of porpuses and grampuses. 

The 5th Sabbath, (14th) The same wind, towards noon 
it began to be foggie, and then it rained till night, we went 
4 or 5 leagues a watch. 

Monday {15th) A fayer day but foggie, the same 
wind bloiving but with fresh gales carried us 7 leagues a 
watch. In the afternoon it blew harder, so the sea was 
rough, and we lost the sight of the Lions Whelpe: it being 
foggie we drummed for them, and they shot off a great 
piece of ordinance, but we feared not one another. 

Tuesday (l6th) wind S. by E. foggie till about 10 
a clocke. While we were at prayers it cleared up about an 
houre, and then we saw the Lions Whelpe, distant about 2 
leagues southward. We presently tackt about to meet her, 
and she did the same to meet us, but before we could get 
together a thick fogge came, that we were long in finding 
each other. This day we sounded divers tymes, and found 
ourselves on another banke, at first 40 fathom, after 36, after 
33, after 24. We thought it to have been the bank over 
against Cape Sable, but ive were deceived, for we knew not 

[11] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



certainly where we tvere because of the fogge. After 3 or 4 
hours company we lost the Lion's Whelpe agayne, and beate 
the drum and and shot of a great piece of ordinance, and yet 
heard not of them. But perceiving the bank to grow stilt 
shallower we found it 27 and 24 fathoms. Therefore, being 
o fogge and fearing we were too near land we tackt about 
for sea-roome for 2 or j watches and steered southeast. 

Wednesday {ijth) very f aggie still, and wind S. and by 
W. and sounding found no bottom that we could reach. 

Thursday ( iSthJ wind full IV. and contrary to us. This 
day a notorious wicked fellow that was given to szvering 
and boasting of his former ivickedness, bragged that he had 
got a wench with child before he came this voyage, and 
mocked at our daies of fast, railing and jesting against puri- 
tans, this fellow fell sick of the pockes and dyed. We 
sounded and found 38 fathom, and stayed for a little ivhile 
to take some cod fish, and feasted ourselves merrily. 

Fry day ( igth) irind ivest still, a very fay re clear e day. 
About 4 a clocke in the afternoon some went up to the top 
of the mast, and affirmed to our great comfort they saw 
land to the north eastward. 

Saturday (20th) wind S. W. a fayre gale. We sounded 
and found 40, 30, 22, and a little after no ground. 

Sabbath (21st) being the 6th Lord's day; wind westerly 
and calm. 

Monday (22nd) wind easterly, a fayre gale. This day 
we saw a great deal of froth not farre from us: we feared 
it might be some breach of water against some sunken 
ledge, therefore the master of our ship hoisted out the 
shallop and ivent ii'ith some of the men to see what it was, 
but found it onely to be a froathe carried by the streame. 

Tuesday (23rd) The ivind N. E. a fayre gale. 

Wednesday (24th) tvind N. E. a fayre day and clear; 

[12] 



Rev. Francis Higginsons Journal 



about g a clocke in the morning lue espied a shipp about 4 
leagues behind us: which proved the Lion's Whelpe, which 
had been a weeke separated from us, we stopped for her 
company. This day a child of good man Blacke, which 
had a consumption before it came to shipp, died. This day 
we had all a cleare and comfortable sight of America, and 
of the Cape Sable that was over against us 7 or 8 leagues 
northward. Here lue saiv yellow gilliflowers on the sea. 

Thursday (25th) wind still N. E. a full and fresh gale. 
In the afternoon we had a cleare sight of many islands and 
hills by the sea shoare. Noiu we saiv abundance of ?nackrill, 
a great store, of great whales puffing up water as they goe, 
some of them neare our shipp: their greatness did astonish 
us that saw them not before; their back appeared like a 
little island. At 5 a clocke at night the wind turned S. E. 
a fayre gale. This day we caught mackrill. 

Fryday (26th) A foggie morning, but after cleare and 
wind calme. We saw many scools of mackrill, infinate multi- 
tudes on every side our ship. The sea was abundantly stored 
with rock iveed and yellow flowers like gilly flowers. By 
noon we were within 3 leagues of Capan, and as we sayled 
along the coasts we saw every hill and dale and every island 
full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to 
the shoare the more flowers in abundance, sometyme scat- 
tered abroad, sometymes joyned in sheets g or 10 yards long, 
which we supposed to be brought from the low meadowes by 
the tyde. Now what with fine woods and greene trees 
by land, and these yellow flowers paynting the sea, made us 
all desirous to see our new paradise of New England, whence 
we saw such forerunning signals of fertilitie afarre off. 
Coming near the harbour toivards night ice tackt about for 
sea-roome. 

Saturday (27th) A foggie morning: but after 8 o'clock 

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in the morning very cleare, the wind being somewhat con- 
trary at So. and by West, we tackt to and againe ivith getting 
little; but with much adoe, about 4 clock in the after- 
noone, having with much payne compassed the harbour and 
being ready to enter the same, see how things may suddenly 
change; There came a fearful gust of ivind and rayne and 
thunder and lightning, whereby zve were borne with no little 
terrour and trouble to our mariners, having very much adoe 
to loose downe the sayles when the fury of the storme held 
up. But God be praised it lasted but a while and soon 
abated agayne. And hereby the Lord showed us what he 
could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But blessed 
be God, he soone removed this storme, and it was a fayre 
and sweet evening. 

We had a westerly wind which brought us between 5 
and 6 o'clock to a fyne and sweet harbour, 7 miles from the 
head point of Capan. This harbour 20 ships may easily ryde 
therein, where there was an island whither four of our men 
with a boat went, and brought back agayne ripe strawber- 
ries, and gooseberries, and siveei single roses. Thus God was 
merciful to us in giving us a taste and smell of the sweet fruit 
as an earnest of his bountiful goodnes to welcome us at our 
first arrivall. This harbour luas two leagues and something 
more from the harbour at Naimkecke where our ships were 
to rest and the plantation is already begun. But because the 
passage is difficult and night drew on, zve put into Capan 
harbour. 

(28) The Sabbath, being the first lue kept in America. 
and the Jth Lord's day after we parted with England. 

Monday (2gth) we came from Capan, to go to Naim- 
kecke, the wind northerly. I should have told you before 
that the planters spying our English colours, the Governour 
sent a shalop ivith 2 men on Saturday to pilot us. These 

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rested the Sabbath with us at Capan; and this day, by God's 
blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and diffi- 
cult entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke. 
And as we passed along it was wonderful to behold so many 
islands replenished with thicke wood and high trees, and 
many fayre green pastures. And being come into the har- 
bour we saw the George to our great comfort then being 
come on Tuesday, which was 7 dales before us. We rested 
that night with glad and thankful hearts to God who had 
put an end to our long and tedious journey through the 
greatest sea in the world. 

The next morning (30th) the governour came aboard to 
our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my 
wiffe to come on shoare, and take our lodging in his house 
which we did accordingly. 

Thus you have a faithful report collected from day to day 
of all the particulars that were worth noting in our passage. 

Now for the present condition of the plantation what it is. 
When we came first to Naimkecke, now called Salem, we 
found about half a score houses built: and a fayre house 
newly built for the governour, and we found also abundance 
of come planted by them, excellent good and well liking. 
We brought with us about 200 passengers and planters 
?nore, which now by common consent of all the ould planters 
are all now combyned together into one body politique under 
the same governor. There are with us in all ould and new 
planters 300, whereof 200 are settled at Naimkecke, now 
called Salem, and the rest plant themselves at Massachusetts 
bay, being to build a towne there called Charleston or 
Charlestoivne ; we that are settled at Salem make zuhat haste 
we can to build, so that within a short tyme ive shall have a 
fayre towne. We have great ordnance whereof we doubt not 
to fortifye ourselves in short tyme, to keep out a potent 

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Rev. Francis Higginson's Journal 



adversarye. But that which is our greatest comfort and 
means of defence above all others, is, that we have here the 
true religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God amongst 
us. Thanks be to God, we have plenty of preaching and dili- 
gent catechising, with strict and carefull exercise of good and 
commendable orders to bring our people to Christian conver- 
sation which whilst ive do we doubt not but God will be 
with us, and so Rom. 8. 31, what shall we then say to these 
things. If God be with us who can be against us? 

Now in our passage divers things are remarkable. 

First through God's blessing our passage was short and 
speedy, for whereas we had lOOO leagues, that is 3000 miles 
English to saile from Ould to New England, we performed 
the same in 6 weeks and 3 dayes. 

Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easie for the 
most part, being ordinarily fayre and moderate wind, and 
being freed for the most part from stormie and rough seas, 
saving one night onely, which we that were not used thought 
to be more terrible than indeed it was, and this was Wednes- 
day at night May 2'/th. 

Thirdly, our passage was also health full to our passengers, 
being freed from the great contagion of the scurvie and other 
maledictions, which in other passages to other places had taken 
away the lives of many. And yet we were in all reason in 
wonderful danger all the way, our ship being greatly crowded 
with passengers ; but through God's great goodness we had 
none that died of the pockes but that wicked fellow that 
scorned at fasting and prayer. There were indeed 2 little 
children, one of my owne and another beside; but I do not 
impute it merely to the passage; for they were both very 
sickly children, and not likely to have lived long, if they had 
not gone to sea. And take this for a rule, if children be 
healthfull when they come to sea, the younger they are the 

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better they can endure the sea, and are not troubled with 
seasickness as older people are, as we had experience in many 
children that went this voyage. My wiffe indeed, in tossing 
weather, was something ill by vomiting, but in calme weather 
she recovered agayne, and is now much better for the sea- 
sickness. And for my owne part, whereas, I have for divers 
years past been very sickly and ready to cast up whatever I 
have eaten, and was very sicke at London and Gravesend, 
yet from the tyme I came on shipboard to this day, I have 
been straungely healthfull. And now I can digest our ship 
diett very well, which I could not when I was at land. And 
indeed in this regard I have great cause to give God praise, 
that he hath made my coming to be a method to cure me of 
a wonderful weake stomacke and continued payne of mel- 
ancholly wynd from the splene: Also divers children were 
sicke of the small pockes, but are safely recovered agayne, 
and 2 or 3 passengers towards the latter end of the voyage 
fell sicke of the scurvie, but coming to land receovered in 
a short tyme. 

Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and profitable. 
For we received instruction and delight in behoulding the 
wonders of the Lord in the deepe waters, and sometimes 
seeing the sea round us appearing with a terrible countenance, 
and as it were full of high hills, and deepe valleys; and 
sometimes it appeared as a vast and even meadow. And 
ever and anon we saw divers kynds of fishes sporting in the 
great waters, great grampuses and huge whales going by com- 
panies and puffing up water-streames. Those that love their 
owne chimney corner, and dare not go farre beyond their 
owne townes end shall never have the honour to see these 
wonderfull workes of Almighty God. 

Fifthly, we had a pious and Christian-like passage; for I 
suppose passengers shall seldom find a company of more 

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Rev. Francis Higginson's Journal 



religious honest and kynd seamen that we had. We con- 
stantly served God morning and evening by reading and ex- 
pounding a chapter singing and prayer. And the Sabbath 
was solemnely kept by adding to the former ^ preaching twise 
and catechising. And in our great need we kept 2 solemne 
fasts, and found a gracious effect. Let all that love and use 
fasting and praying take notice that it is as prevaileuble by 
sea as by land, wheresoever it is faithfully performed. Besides 
the ship master and his company used every night to sett their 
8 and 12 a clocke watches with singing a psalme and prayer 
that was not read out of a booke. This I wryte not for 
boasting and flattery; but for the benefit of those that have 
a mynd to come to New England hereafter, that if they 
looke for and desyre to have as prosperous a voyage as we had, 
they may use the same meanes to attayne the same. 



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